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The debate on reorganisation of hospital services is fertile ground for expert opinion. The Joint Consultants Committee (JCC) have produced the most recent view on the ideal acute hospital size and consultant staffing; however, their ideal is far removed from reality. A survey of trusts across the West Midlands found that many are falling short of the recommendations, such as meeting a one‐in‐five consultant on‐call rota for the major admitting specialties and providing adequate cover in the core sub‐specialties of general medicine and general surgery. While the JCC recommendations give a welcome direction and focus to workforce planning, reaching some of these will require a large financial investment and an increase in the number of trainees. Prioritising the recommendations may help to facilitate implementation by health‐care providers.

Vinegar, vin aigre or soured wine is a name that suggests the nature and origin of the substance which is the subject of this note. In France the name is applied to the substance that results from the acetous fermentation of wine. The name has at least the merit of accuracy. The term vinegar has, however, been extended in this country to denote the product obtained by the acetous fermentation of a malt liquor and in the United States of America to mean the substance resulting from the acetous fermentation of cider. In general it may be said that certain kinds of vegetable matter may be made to yield a vinegar by this process. The Census of Production under the common heading “ vinegar and acetic acid ” states that in 1924 the output of these substances, in this country, was 14,200,000 gallons of a value of a little over a million pounds sterling; in 1930 the corresponding figures were 14,600,000 gallons and £950,000; in 1935, 17,100,000 gallons and £790,000. It may be observed that vinegar and acetic acid are not by any means the same thing. Vinegar made by acetous fermentation contains about six per cent. or slightly under that amount of acetic acid as a main and essential constituent, but other substances are present that give it a characteristic bouquet. But whether vinegar be made from malt, wine, cider, or similar substances it is a palatable and wholesome condiment and preservative. It is the result of a biological as distinguished from a chemical process, and we suggest that the term vinegar be limited to the product resulting from the former and not from the latter if it be intended for use in the household as an element in the food supply. The Food Inspectors Handbook, VI Edition, 1913, p. 300, tells us that commercial vinegar is a more or less impure acetic acid. The different varieties according to their source being malt, wine, cider, beet, sugar, and wood vinegars. We cannot think that “ impure acetic acid ” is a particularly happy definition of the term vinegar. It is surely the “ impurities ” the result of secondary reactions that give the characteristic flavour and palatability to vinegar that serve to distinguish it from a merely dilute solution of acetic acid. In the same way whisky might be defined as impure alcohol, but no one, as far as we know; has ever seriously suggested that a dilute solution of absolute alcohol would be a satisfactory substitute for whisky. similarly we suggest that wood vinegar—derived as it is from the distillation of various kinds of wood—is in its origin a purely chemical product and in no sense a biological product. It would follow that if the term vinegar be restricted, as we suggest it ought to be, to the product of biological action the term wood vinegar though well known and often used is really meaningless. The Food Industries' Manual, 1945, written for the guidance of food manufacturers, describes artificial vinegar—made by diluting acetic acid with water and colouring the solution with caramel—as a very poor substitute for the genuine product. “ Artificial vinegar ” it says “is raw in taste and completely lacking in the fine bouquet of characteristic brewed vinegar.” The Extra Pharmacopœia says that vinegar is “also made by diluting acetic acid and colouring with burnt sugar.” The reference however, presumably refers to the use of this kind of “ vinegar ” in pharmacy—vinegar and brown paper for instance—and not as an ingredient in foods.

The Annual Report of the Ministry of Health for the year ended March 31st, 1925, has been issued. The section dealing with the administration of the Sale of Food and Drugs Acts states that of the 10,516 butter samples analysed during the year, 151 or 1·4 per cent., were reported as adulterated as compared with 1·5 per cent. for 1923. Loading with water is the method of adulteration now most practised, and 74 samples contained water in excess of the maximum of 16 per cent. allowed; 68 contained foreign fats such as margarine, and 9 contained boric acid as a preservative in amounts exceeding 0·5 per cent. One of the samples which contained excess water was also found to contain 0·44 per cent. of washing soda. At Leeds an informal sample of butter was purchased by the police, and as a result of the Public Analyst reporting it to be wholly margarine, they arrested the vendor, a hawker, and upon conviction he was sent to prison for three months for obtaining money under false pretences. Of the 3,456 samples of margarine reported upon, 33, or 1 per cent., were regarded as adulterated; 24 by reason of containing water in excess of the allowed maximum of 16 per cent., 4 for containing excessive amounts of preservative, 4 for containing more than 10 per cent. of butter in contravention of Section 8 of the Sale of Food and Drugs Act, 1899, and one for containing a large percentage of free fatty acids (rancidity). In a case brought before a King's Bench Divisional Court, margarine was sold under an approved fancy name, but the wrapper also bore the words, “Churned with fresh milk.” It was held that these words did not form part of the descriptive name in contravention of Section 8 of the Butter and Margarine Act, 1907, and that the magistrate was not bound to follow the decision given by the Scottish Court in relation to different words.

The enormous danger of enemy influence in regard to the control and management of the food supply of the country and the great evils attributable to this cause justify us in reproducing the following able article by MR. RONALD MCNEILL, M.P., from the Evening Standard of October 26th:—

The March issue of the Journal of Chemical Technology contains the following article, with every word of which we cordially agree. It is gratifying to find that there is one—if only one—of our scientific Journals which has the courage and the patriotism to speak out and to do so in vigorous terms. The indictment of the flabby persons belonging to the Chemical Profession who by their ineptitude and inertia are condoning the bestial crimes of the modern Huns is well‐timed and thoroughly deserved.

In this article I propose to deal only with that legislation which is of a permanent nature and is not likely to be repealed or amended for at least some time to come. Ministry of Food Orders such as those which deal with price controls will be ignored. Most legislation from the public health point of view is dealt with by the Food and Drugs Act, an Act which consolidated, with a few amendments, some of the legislation relating to foods, drugs, markets, slaughterhouses and knackers' yards. Section 9 of the Act makes it an offence for any person (a) to sell or offer or expose for sale or have in his possession for the purpose of sale or of preparation for sale, or (b) to deposit with or consign to any person for the sale or preparation for sale any food which is intended for but unfit for human consumption. It is a defence, however, to prove that the food in question was not intended for human consumption, or at the time it was fit for human consumption, or he did not know and could not, with reasonable diligence, have ascertained that it was unfit for human consumption. It does not matter whether the meat or other foodstuff was originally consigned by the Ministry of Food or purchased in the open market unless the butcher can avail himself of the special defences just mentioned. An authorised officer of the local authority, who is either the medical officer of health, sanitary inspector or veterinary inspector specially appointed for that purpose by the local authority, may, if such food appears to him to be unfit for food, remove it to be dealt with by any Justice of the Peace, and may then report the matter to the local authority, who may institute proceedings against that person. Every piece of meat or other article of foodstuff seized may be dealt with as a separate offence, and for each offence a penalty of £50 may be imposed. The butcher, therefore, if he has any meat, offal, or other foodstuff which he thinks may be diseased or otherwise unsound, should immediately withdraw it from sale and call in the local inspector. Butchers must be registered under Section 14 of the Food and Drugs Act, 1938 (not to be confused with a licence issued by the local Food Office), with the local authority, if they carry out on their premises the manufacture or preparation of sausages or potted, pressed, cooked or preserved foods. Failure to be registered renders the butcher liable to prosecution A point of interest arises in this connection. Does a butcher who boils down fat become a fat‐boiler and render his business to be classed as an offensive trade? Legally, he does, but in practice, unless he carries it on on a large scale, it is overlooked. A butcher should make himself familiar with the Imported Meat (Marking) Order, 1941, for any butcher who sells imported meat, as nearly every butcher does, makes himself liable to prosecution unless the following provisions are complied with. This Order prohibits the sale or exposure for sale of any imported (chilled or frozen) beef, mutton, lamb, pork, or edible offals, unless a label or ticket bearing the word “Imported” is affixed to every slab, tray or rail which contains such imported meat, so as to be visible to the purchaser. Where a butcher sends or delivers imported meat to another person, the requirements of this Order are complied with if the invoice or delivery note attached to or accompanying the meat has the word “Imported” marked on it. If the meat itself is clearly marked with the country of origin, e.g., New Zealand or Argentina, it is not necessary to specially label the meat, provided the purchaser is present in the shop at the time of the sale. The provisions of the Public Health (Preservatives, etc., in Food) Regulations, 1925–40, prohibit the use of any preservative or colouring matter in any article of food. However, it is provided by the first Schedule to these regulations that sausages or sausage meat may contain 450 parts per million of sulphur dioxide. Butchers whose premises are in Scotland are allowed, during the months of June, July, August and September, to put 450 parts per million of sulphur dioxide in minced meat. Where the article of food does contain preservative, it must bear a label stating that “these sausages, etc., contain preservative”; the letters being not less than ? in. in height, or there must be a notice in the shop to the effect that the sausages contain preservative.

This chapter explores the development of the Professional Cook – Indigenous content program in the province of British Columbia (BC), Canada. Chef Andrew George, Wet'suwet'en professionally trained cook, shares his knowledge and experiences in participating in the planning, program development, and delivery of the culinary training program. The Indigenization of the Professional Cook program was made possible through leadership and collaboration between government; training institutions; Indigenous elders, traditional knowledge keepers and communities; industry and businesses. The chapter interweaves reports from the schools, training institutions, and government; highlights from the programs; Indigenous foodways and recipes; and highlights on how such culinary education and training programs can help provide ways toward food sovereignty.

Recent years have seen significant policy and practice interest in how to best respond to the impact of childhood maltreatment and adversity on young people’s contact with youth justice systems. In Australia, this has resulted in increasing pressure to implement trauma-informed practice, although this is a term that has different meanings for different stakeholders, and little is known about the perspectives of justice-involved young people. This paper aims to review what is currently known about co-production in youth justice and discuss ways in which young people can be meaningfully involved in the development of trauma-informed practice frameworks.

A narrative approach is used to present a contextual overview of youth justice in Australia, introduce key concepts underpinning trauma-informed practice and consider the barriers and facilitators of co-production and participatory approaches to the development and implementation of trauma-informed practice.

Youth justice in Australia is widely viewed as in urgent need of reform, with broad interest in developing more trauma-informed practice in these systems. Co-production and participatory approaches are fundamental to the reform process and can help to ensure that the views and aspirations of the children for whom these systems are responsible are embedded in efforts to implement trauma-informed practice.

This paper presents an argument for implementing trauma-informed practice in Australian youth justice that is based on consultation and collaboration with young people. It does not present evidence about the potential effectiveness of such an approach.

This paper has direct implications for youth justice practice, in terms of both service philosophy, design and delivery.

The work discussed in this paper offers possibilities for new and different ways of responding to youth crime and maintaining community safety.

Whilst the need to re-imagine youth justice is widely recognised, there are few resources available to support efforts to co-produce trauma-informed practice. This paper synthesises what is known about these approaches and offers some suggestions and possible ways forward.

Legal process by its very nature cannot be swift; step by step, it must be steady and sure and this takes time. There is no room for hasty decisions for these would tend to defeat its purpose. Time, however, is of the essence and this is set for various aspects of legal action by limitation of actions legislation, which sets periods after which the case is no longer actionable. The periods are adequate and in civil law, generous to avoid injustice being done. The one serious complaint against the process of law, however, is the unwarrantable delays which are possible despite limitation. From the far‐off days of Equity, when Dickens' Jarndyce v Jarndyce, caricatured and exaggerated as it was, described the scene down to the present when delays, often spoken of in Court as outrageous are encountered, to say nothing of the crowded lists in the High Courts and Crown Courts; the result of the state of society and not the fault of the judiciary. Early in 1980, it was reported that 14,500 cases were awaiting trial in the Southeastern Circuit Crown Court alone. Outside the Courts legal work hangs on, to the annoyance of those concerned; from house purchase to probate. Here, the solicitor is very much his own master, unhampered by statutory time limits and the only recourse a client has is to change this solicitor, with no certainty that there will be any improvement, or appeal to the Law Society.

This article seeks to describe apprenticeship training for butchers and bakers at UK supermarket Morrisons, and a skill‐improvement program for 500 recruits at the supermarket's Woodhead Brothers meat‐processing subsidiary, both of which were winners in the latest National Training Awards.

The article details the reasons for the programs, the form they took and the results they have achieved.

The article explains that the Morrisons apprenticeship program aims to ensure that there are craft‐skilled employees in every store at a time when the company's strategy is to become truly national, while the training at Woodhead Brothers aimed at providing around 500 new employees with the skills they need to operate effectively in a meat‐processing plant.

The article stresses the practical approach taken in the two programs, highlighting the Morrisons claim to train more butchers and bakers than any other UK retailer. It highlights the Morrisons tradition of providing its employees with the skills they need to progress in the company.

A variety of training programs tailored to the needs of people from different backgrounds is described in the article.